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Relocation |
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FACTS ABOUT RELOCATION: The People’s Stories (“Un-official” Interpretation) Versus Stories of Government Agencies Written by Bahe Y. Katenay, 2005
[Note: Native land issues that result in loss of land or relocation in modern contemporary times of U.S. Indian policies are always attributed to historical events and economic development interests. Thus, the best way to understand the overall issue besides listening to the peoples’ account is to look beyond the official statements and examine the behind-the-scene actions of key players involved in the policy making.]
THE PEOPLE’S STATEMENT ABOUT GOVERNMENT COLONIAL HISTORY: Spanish explorers in the late 1500s noted their amazement of the Grand Canyon and also noted their encounters with Indian inhabitants, “..some ‘war-like’ bands of Navajos and Yavapia Apaches near the San Francisco Mountains.” The Spanish Governor in the mid-1600s at Santa Fe, New Spain Territory, documented reports by Hopi delegates of Navajo “intrusion” into village regions but no action was taken.
New Spain carried out endless military campaigns (1600 – 1848) against all indigenous nations of present-day Arizona and New Mexico, and this caused massive displacement, decreased indigenous populations, intertribal tensions, as well as intertribal unity.
Dineh (Navajos) and other Pueblo nations including Hopis formed alliances and built sophisticated, fortified communities that scattered throughout the Four Corners region (northwestern New Mexico, northeastern Arizona).
The U.S. signed the Treaty of Guadalupe Hildago with New Spain in 1848 then, the U.S. Army subdued a majority of the Dineh population in 1864. Between 1848 and 1862 the Dineh and the U.S signed three more treaties, but they were broken each time by American homesteaders.
War between the Dineh-Apache resistance and the U.S. policy of Manifest Destiny caused the Dineh population to increase slightly along the eastern margin of both the Colorado and the Little Colorado Rivers, and the Hopis noticed occasional Dineh refugee movement across Black Mesa. American homesteading and Spanish ranching also included mercenary activity against Dineh aborigines that lived in the regions of Mount Taylor and Chaco Canyon Plateaus, and this caused hundreds of Dineh to flee westward.
HISTORICAL (AMERICAN) FREE ENTERPRISE INTEREST AND THE DINEH-HOPI EXISTENCE:
Captured Dineh were incarcerated at the Ft. Sumner (1862-1868) concentration camp in New Mexico. The final treaty of 1868 “freed” the Dineh but they were closely guarded as they return to designated reservations. The six years of U.S. military program of starvation and slave labor was more memorable to the Dineh and they named this holocaust, Hwel’de’, which literally means Time of Extermination. The death march prior this holocaust is however more popularly known as, The Long Walk, among contemporary historians.
Dineh fearing more military sweeps used numerous places around Big Mountain for long-term escape shelters. Some Dineh survivors returned to the Black Mesa and Big Mountain areas to be reunited with family members who escaped capture.
In the late 1800s, the federal Indian Agent stationed in Hopi territory was unsuccessful in terminating traditional village chief authority, the Kikmongwis. The Agent also wanted to rid the area of outside, ‘white agitators’ that assisted Hopi resistance. U.S. President Arthur granted the Agent a 1.8 million acre reservation in 1882, “..set aside for the Moqui (Hopis) and any other Indians..”
A 1906 U.S. Geological Survey report caused the U.S. Department of the Interior to pay close attention to the predicted large quantities of coal deposits throughout the whole Black Mesa area, noting “..thick beds of coal seams appear everywhere on hillsides and canyon walls..”
The 1882 Executive Order Reservation happened to be situated on 75% of the projected Black Mesa coalfields. Energy companies began suggesting that the Department of the Interior to adjust Indian land titles and claims. By the 1950s, a subsidiary of Peabody Coal, Utah International, referred their corporate attorney John S. Boyden to assist the Hopi “friendlies” to form a council to start negotiations over subsurface resources of the 1882 reservation.
GOVERNMENT’S “PURPOSE” FOR LAND-PARTITIONING OF THE 1882 RESERVATION:
White American versions of tribal councils were just starting to evolve when the Navajo council was urged to lease lands for oil and uranium development, and also to forfeit all water rights. The Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 also fueled the transformation of the ancient and self-sufficient indigenous societies to adapt and join the American workforces.
Black Mesa coal was slated for development in the 1950s and the government, with secret corporate advice, had to “legally” partition the 1.8 million acre reservation (1882 lands) and its coalfields. There had to be a ‘just cause’ without showing corporate interest so, attorneys Boyden and Norman Littel (Navajo council attorney) made the Hopi tribe sue the “Navajos” for half of the 1882 reservation.
The genius work of outside, corporate attorneys stirred-up an instant court case known as Healing vs Jones. This so-called “Navajo-Hopi Land Dispute” painted a picture that: “Navajos squatted on Hopi lands, Navajo dominance prohibited Hopi land use, local Navajos assaulted Hopi ranchers, and Hopi ranchers’ property were damaged or destroyed.”
The U.S. government falsified its real purpose of why the two tribal councils were going to court. To the mainstream media, it was known as “a century old land dispute” that was based on the 1882 Executive Order reservation even though the 1880s dispute involved a white Agent’s need for ‘better policing of Kikmongwi authority and other Hopi village groups.’ Congressional members who had vital interest in Peabody stocks testified that, “there is already bloodshed” as result of range-wars between the “Navajos” and Hopis.
THE DINEH PEOPLES’ HISTORY ABOUT THEMSELVES:
Dineh (Navajos) oral histories are contrary to western science’s archaeological theories that the Dineh are descendants of Canada’s Athabaskan tribes and that the Dineh immigrated into the southwest U.S. around late 1400 A.D. Big Mountain Dineh oral history defines their existence across Black Mesa well into the prehistoric era and perhaps beyond.
Certain Dineh clan’s origin stories include a shared band system with Hopi Tobacco clan and these stories mentions active roles played by the deities, more specifically Haash’j’eehyal’tii’i’ (Talking God) and the Kachina. These particular origin stories related to sacred locations near and around Big Mountain.
Black Mesa geography is considered to be the embodiment of the torso of the Female Mountain; she lies opposite of the Male Mountain (Chuska Range). The earthen lodge within which the two mountains lie are outlined by the six sacred mountains of the Dineh thus, Black Mesa / Big Mountain are exactly located at the Altar of Medicine Bundles in a ritual-setting of a lodge.
Big Mountain summits are the home of Begohchidi’, who is a deity most often mentioned in Dineh prayer chants and is recognized for being responsible for plant life and for the wild game. Scholars in the late 1800s that documented Dineh religious information have referred to Begohchidi’ as a hermaphrodite-like deity and that, “healers from throughout Navaho country traveled to this deity’s dwelling place in the area of Black Mountain to gather special herbs for healing rituals.”
To get a glimpse of the complex Dineh religion of Big Mountain, a summarized portion of ancient prayer chants can be translated like this:
“Its summits can be seen from all around. It beholds everlasting Greatness. It withholds the beings of Male and Female. They are situated upon a throne made of stacks of Earth elements. For ages and ages, it was created by the dictations of rain storms and water energies. Great Lighting and Thunders energized its atmosphere in all four cardinal directions. The four points that surrounds It are aligned with the supreme mountains. Pulsations of universal light energies crisscross over Its home.
“Time and ages has allowed the energies of water, wind, sun, and earth’s fire to bring about the Great mist, dew and pollen that which has generated a variety of plant life, and eventually the wild game. Then, it is Begohchidi’ who speaks its wisdom of laws. He / She speak from their inter-core of consciousness. The vibrations from those voices are instilled within our present-day chants, language, livelihood, and our future…”
THE PUNISHMENT FOR BEING INDIGENOUS TO A COUNTRY FULL OF COAL:
[Note: The only way to see and to understand this reality is to ask yourselves: “Would the U.S. Congress really have the generosity and empathy towards 6,000 Hopi Indians and make an Executive Order to give them 900,000 acres of land and relocate some 15,000 ‘Navajo squatters?’” Also ask yourself, “Has the U.S. Congress ever given sympathy to any Indian nations for their loss of land?” “Which favoritism would be more obvious in the American Legislature: giant coal producer with billions in profit prospects, or the plight a few thousand poor Indians on a desolate reservation?”]
Executive Order Public Law (PL) 93-531 was passed in 1974 and the government estimated that 15,000 “Navajos” and 400 Hopis might have to be relocated. It was also estimated that 5,000 more “Navajos” might be affected by the land partitioning and relocation. This total does not include the relocations of Dineh in the 1950s and in 1962 from the 1882 Reservation. The exclusive Hopi reservation within the 1882 boundary, formerly known as District Six, was arbitrarily realigned twice by the Secretary of the Interior that caused many Dineh to be forced out without any compensation.
Long before the relocation law, PL 93-531, was passed: the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), in 1962, granted Peabody Western Coal Company (PWCC) its 54,000 acre mining lease, a mega-power plant and an electric rail-line was being built outside the first boom-town of Page, and a 273 mile pipeline for coal-slurry to the Mohave power plant in Nevada was being laid.
Since the 1974 relocation and land-partitioning law, the U.S. government, finally in 1998, granted the federally recognized Hopi administration an interim jurisdictional role for their respective partitioned lands. Immediately thereafter, many Dineh resisters to the relocation law were coerced by their “Navajo” officials to sign homesite leases with the Hopi tribe. However, the U.S. BIA still officiates over law enforcement and Hopi Ranger monitoring of the remaining Dineh resisters.
TRADITIONAL DINEH RESISTANCE ADDED OBSTACLES TO PEABODY’S INTENT:
With support from traditional Dineh elders, the American Indian Movement (AIM) of Dinetah temporarily took-over and blockaded mine pit entrances at the Kayenta Mine in 1970. Hopi traditional elders visited the headquarters of Los Angeles Water and Power and made several appeals to stop LAWP’s affiliation with Peabody and the desecration of Black Mesa. The Navajo-Hopi Unity Committee was formed in 1972 to oppose the Sam Steiger Bill (later to become PL 93-531) and petitioned their tribal councils, saying that this Bill was a cover-up for the permanent coal mining of Black Mesa.
Full-scale traditional Dineh resistance was reborn in late 1977 since the 1930s revolt against the U.S. BIA livestock reductions. A BIA partition fencing crew were confronted by a lone Dineh, elder woman sheepherder and this sparked an altercation. The whole Big Mountain community mobilized immediately to “fight to save their ancestral country and cultures.”
Nearly 360 Dineh of Big Mountain signed a Proclamation of Independence on October 29, 1979. This independent nation outlined nearly 500,000 acres as sovereign territory where the U.S. BIA’s anti-Indian agents would be considered trespassers. (Note that, the Hopis were not mentioned nor were they mentioned as a threat in this Declaration.) Big Mountain Dineh maintained an (aboriginal) jurisdiction over their proclaimed territory until in 1991 when outside attorneys and Navajo Nation officials undermined the resistance. Today, resistance has dwindled to only a handful of Dineh families.
Conglomerates of southwestern utility companies with their reliance on PWCC continue to indulge in exponential profit gains and strong political clout. PWCC’s operations on Black Mesa foresee its future in: lease expansions towards Big Mountain, suitable coal transport systems, massive aquifer depletions; uncontested the Peabody mines continue with emissions of pollutants into pristine environments, while PWCC still denies allegations of playing a role in the relocation law.
[Today, few traditional Dineh elders are still determined to live-out their lives on their ancestral lands. Age and longevity has left them in silence and their great leadership roles are only a whisper. They had hoped that their voices of wisdom about nature, humanity and the laws of universe would always be echoed as their ancestors had wished. Presently, these whispers are only uttered by a few of Dineh resistance coordinators.]
WHAT YOU / WE CAN DO TO PRESERVE A PRISTINE CULTURE IN AN ERA OF AMERICAN GLOBALIZATION:
First of all, one must understand the definition of genocide and that, these types of policies do not only exist elsewhere in the world --they exist at Big Mountain. Instead of slaughter and other forms of atrocities, the U.S. genocidal policy is elaborate by using psychological means to: uproot / displace and devalue authentic cultural life ways of non-English speaking communities, with no attempts to preserve its histories that are intricately tied to a geographical region. The traditional elders are dying of heartbreak and depression, and eventually, complex group communities will simply disappearing.
Support the remaining indigenous Dineh who are resisting forced removal and support those who trying to make alternative efforts to remain on ancestral lands. Volunteer to give comfort and peace to these traditional elders by honoring them, by herding sheep, by organizing work crews to assist at homesites, and/or by providing other essential but appropriate skills such as holistic therapy and renewable energy technologies.
Sponsor an educational lecture series or a speakers travel tour. Sponsor international efforts of diplomacy (i.e. Human Rights and the European Union forums) by Dineh delegates or spokespersons.
Urge or make demands to your Congressional representatives or Parliamentarians to look into these matters of Human Rights violations, and the alleged conflicts of interest by the federal agencies and Peabody Coal. Seek the potentially for Oversight Hearings for PL 93-531 and amendments, and call for investigations. Contact local indigenous support organizations for contact information for policy-makers, and for area BIA and tribal headquarters.
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